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Worship Practices in Northern Vietnam: Forms, Rituals and Their Meaning in Vietnamese Life

Worship Practices in Northern Vietnam: Forms, Rituals and Their Meaning in Vietnamese Life

TL;DR: Worship practices in northern Vietnam form a diverse system of folk belief: ancestor veneration at home, Thành hoàng (village guardian spirit) worship at the communal house, Mother Goddess and saint worship, along with rites such as cúng sao giải hạn (star rite to ward off misfortune) and Tết offerings. These forms reflect the moral principle of remembering one's origins, the wish for peace, and community bonds, while varying between localities and changing over time.

What is worship in northern Vietnam and when did it begin?

Worship in northern Vietnam is the set of folk belief forms common in the Red River Delta and the northern provinces, including ancestor veneration at home, Thành hoàng (village guardian spirit) worship at the communal house, Mother Goddess and saint worship, and many other rites. It is an important part of Vietnamese spiritual life, tied to the moral principle of remembering one's origins and to the wish for peace.

Under the Law on Belief and Religion of 2016, belief is defined as human conviction expressed through rituals tied to traditional customs and practices, bringing spiritual peace to individuals and communities. Belief activities include ancestor veneration, worship of sacred symbols, and commemoration and honouring of those who served the country and the community.

From the early 20th century, the scholar Phan Kế Bính recorded ancestor veneration and Thành hoàng worship in the north in Việt Nam phong tục (1915). He observed that the Vietnamese custom of serving ancestors was deeply reverent, expressing the principle of bất vong bản, not forgetting one's roots[1].

What are the main forms of worship in northern Vietnam?

The main forms are ancestor veneration at home, Thành hoàng worship at the communal house, Mother Goddess and saint worship, and Thần Tài (God of Wealth) and Thổ Địa (Earth God) worship. Rites such as cúng sao giải hạn (star rite to ward off misfortune), Tết Nguyên đán (Lunar New Year) offerings and lễ sóc vọng (first and full moon rites) accompany them.

Ancestor veneration at home

Ancestor veneration is the most widespread form, present in almost every northern family. The ancestor altar is usually placed in the most solemn position in the house. At Tết Nguyên đán (Lunar New Year), the altar is given special care, and descendants gather to offer incense and pray for peace[2].

In Việt Nam phong tục, Phan Kế Bính recorded that on each tuần tiết or death anniversary, a lễ Cáo gia tiên (report to the ancestors) had to be made; the offering could be large or small depending on the occasion, using beef, pork, goat, chicken or a simple tray, but always required a tray of betel, a bowl of clear water and a fresh pot of wine to count as a proper rite[1].

Thành hoàng worship at the communal house

Thành hoàng worship is the collective rite of the village community. Each village usually has a communal house (đình) dedicated to its guardian spirit. According to Phan Kế Bính, the custom of Thành hoàng worship originated in China, and by the Đinh and Lê dynasties the worship of spirits had become widespread in Vietnam[1]. At first the court set up shrines to mountain and river spirits to serve as the presiding deity of a region, then established temples to loyal officials, righteous men and those who had served the country[1].

In Đồng Tháp, research by Đỗ Thị Hà Thơ (2018) shows that spirit worship at communal houses in the Tây Nam Bộ region was inherited through the southward expansion, with a set of deities worshipped together varying by locality[3].

Mother Goddess and saint worship

Mother Goddess worship honours the Holy Mothers, common in the north with Thánh Mẫu Liễu Hạnh at its centre. Research by Mai Thị Hạnh (2019) indicates that Mother Goddess practice includes many activities such as offerings, prostrations, long pilgrimages, lên đồng (spirit possession ritual), and ceremonies such as trình đồng mở phủ and di cung hoán số; among these, hầu đồng (spirit mediumship ritual) holds the most important ritual role[4].

As described by Nguyễn Ngọc Mai (2014), lên đồng is a ritual belonging to Holy Mother worship in the northern delta, in which fire dancing appears at relatively high frequency. A distinctive point of lên đồng is that the practitioner does not make offerings to the deities but incarnates into them.

Nguyễn Quốc Tuấn (2004) proposed viewing Mother Goddess Liễu Hạnh worship as a religion with its own rituals and followers[5]. However, the author also notes that some hold that Mother Goddess worship with the Tam Tòa - Tứ Phủ pantheon should be classed as shamanism, yet no evidence shows that lên đồng is identical with the soul journey of shaman masters[5].

Thần Tài, Thổ Địa and other deities

Đinh Hồng Hải (2014) states that Thần Tài worship originated in China, entered Vietnam through Hoa migrants from Fujian and Guangdong during political exile, grew strongly in the south and spread to the north after 1986.

What rituals and customs are typical?

Cúng sao giải hạn (star rite to ward off misfortune)

Cúng sao giải hạn is a rite to seek relief from misfortune, common in the northern delta. According to Lê Đức Hạnh (2008), the offering day differs by star: Thái Âm on the 26th, Mộc Đức on the 25th, Vân Hán on the 29th, Thủy Diệu on the 21st, Thổ Tú on the 19th, Thái Dương on the 27th[6]. Prayer texts vary across documents, from the Khấn Nôm collection of Thái Bình to Văn khấn cổ truyền Việt Nam by Thích Thanh Duệ and Nguyễn Bích Hằng[6].

Tết Nguyên đán offerings

At Tết, the ancestor altar is specially prepared. The lễ bao sái (cleaning of the altar) is usually done after the offering to ông Công ông Táo or before the 30th of Tết. The household head offers incense to ask permission of the spirits and ancestors before cleaning, avoiding moving the incense bowl and worship statues[2].

The mâm ngũ quả (five-fruit tray) is an indispensable offering. The northern five-fruit tray usually includes green bananas, yellow pomelo, red persimmon, white pear and orange mandarin, symbolising the wishes for Phú, Quý, Thọ, Khang, Ninh (wealth, honour, longevity, health, peace)[2].

Lễ sóc vọng and tuần tiết

According to Việt Nam phong tục, on the sóc (first) and vọng (full moon) days each month, villagers prepared offerings of oản, bananas, betel and wine and brought them to the shrine or communal house to honour the deity[1]. The temple keeper had to stay day and night at the shrine, tending the lamps and incense and guarding the ritual objects[1].

What are the features and meaning of northern worship?

Tied to the principle of remembering one's origins

Ancestor veneration is how descendants show filial piety and remember the merit of their grandparents and parents in bearing and raising them[2]. This principle is deeply embedded in Vietnamese thought and way of life[2].

Community bonding

The ancestor altar is seen as the centre that binds the family, especially during Tết when the whole household gathers at the ancestral altar[2]. At community level, the communal house with Thành hoàng worship is the shared gathering place of the villagers[1].

Diversity and change

Forms of northern worship are very diverse and differ between localities. Bùi Thị Thoa (2019) shows that Mother Goddess worship spread from the north to Đà Lạt from the 1920s, together with central Vietnamese forms of Mother Goddess worship[7].

According to Nguyễn Hữu Thụ (2019), the economy of communities living around Mother Goddess sites such as Làng Cổ Mễ (Từ Sơn, Bắc Ninh), Phủ Giầy (Nam Định), Đền Sòng Sơn (Thanh Hóa) and Phủ Tây Hồ (Hà Nội) has been affected by the revival of Mother Goddess worship in the northern delta[8].

What are the debates and multiple viewpoints on northern worship?

Mai Thị Hạnh (2019) notes that Mother Goddess worship in general and hầu đồng in particular were once regarded as superstition and were suppressed[4]. Today, thanks to the socioeconomic context and policies on belief and religion, Mother Goddess worship has revived strongly[4]. The author nevertheless notes that prejudice against Mother Goddess worship and lên đồng has not been removed, and practitioners are still labelled[4].

Phan Kế Bính in Việt Nam phong tục (1915) held that offerings express reverence, not material support of ancestors[1]. He also held that only shrines to loyal officials, righteous men and heroes deserved worship, and that worship is to express remembrance, not to seek blessings[1].

How is northern worship today?

Today, forms of northern worship continue to exist and change to adapt to modern life. The Law on Belief and Religion of 2016 provides for citizens' freedom of belief and religion, creating a legal framework for belief activities.

Nguyễn Hữu Thụ (2019) holds that for followers of Mother Goddess worship, faith in the Tứ phủ deities plays an important role in helping them feel secure and confident in economic activities, but the final outcome depends on their own actions[8].

Forms of northern worship are not only offering rites but also a way for descendants to express gratitude, a principle of remembering one's origins deeply embedded in Vietnamese thought and way of life[2].

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Frequently asked questions

What are the main forms of worship in northern Vietnam?

The main forms are ancestor veneration at home, Thành hoàng worship at the communal house, Mother Goddess and saint worship, and Thần Tài and Thổ Địa worship. There are also rites such as cúng sao giải hạn (star rite to ward off misfortune), Tết Nguyên đán offerings and lễ sóc vọng.

Is Mother Goddess worship in northern Vietnam a religion?

There are differing views. Nguyễn Quốc Tuấn (2004) proposed viewing Mother Goddess Liễu Hạnh worship as a religion with its own rituals and followers. However, some hold that Mother Goddess worship should be classed as shamanism. Researchers have not fully agreed on the matter.

How is cúng sao giải hạn in northern Vietnam performed?

According to Lê Đức Hạnh (2008), different stars have different offering days: Thái Âm on the 26th, Mộc Đức on the 25th, Vân Hán on the 29th, Thủy Diệu on the 21st, Thổ Tú on the 19th, Thái Dương on the 27th. Prayer texts vary across documents, and the timing depends on the ritual master or the family.

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References

  1. ↑ abcdefghiPhan Kế Bính (1915). Việt Nam phong tục. Đăng trên Đông Dương tạp chí 1913-1914, in thành sách 1915; bản số hoá: Nhà sách Khai Trí, Sài Gòn, in lại 1973, trang 5, 18Xét cái tục phụng-sự Tồ-tiên của ta, rất là thành kính, ấy cũng là một lòng bất vong bản, cũng là một việc nghĩa cử của người.
  2. ↑ abcdefgThờ cúng tổ tiên ngày Tết: Truyền thống giữ gìn bao thế hệ
  3. ↑Đỗ Thị Hà Thơ (2018). Tín ngưỡng thờ thần ở đình làng Đồng Tháp. Tạp chí Khoa học Trường Đại học Cần Thơ 54(4C): 126-136, trang 2Tín ngưỡng thờ thần ở đình làng Đồng Tháp nói riêng và khu vực Tây Nam Bộ nói chung được hình thành và kế thừa từ thành quả tư duy Việt trong chặng đường Nam tiến.
  4. ↑ abcdMai Thị Hạnh (2019). Vai trò của đồng thầy và bản hội trong việc bảo tồn, phát huy các thực hành tín ngưỡng thờ Mẫu. Tạp chí Nghiên cứu Tôn giáo, số 7 (187), 2019, tr. 75 trở đi, trang 5, 12Tín ngưỡng thờ Mẫu là niềm tin của con người vào sức mạnh thiêng liêng, siêu nhiên của các vị thánh Mẫu.
  5. ↑ abNguyễn Quốc Tuấn (2004). Mẫu Liễu Hạnh qua góc nhìn tôn giáo học. Tạp chí Nghiên cứu Tôn giáo, số 6 (30), 2004, tr. 50-56, trang 1Vậy, trước hết hãy gọi thờ cúng Mẫu Liễu, các nghi lễ bao quanh và những “tín đồ” không thuần nhất của nó là một tôn giáo, hay dạng rút gọn hơn là sự thờ cúng Đức Mẫu Liễu Hạnh.
  6. ↑ abLê Đức Hạnh (2008). Hiện tượng cúng sao giải hạn ở người Việt đồng bằng Bắc Bộ. Tạp chí Nghiên cứu Tôn giáo, số 12 (66), 2008, tr. 51 trở đi, trang 2Đối với các sao khác thường chỉ cúng vào đầu năm, nếu cúng hàng tháng thì được cúng vào các ngày sau: sao Thái Âm cúng ngày 26, sao Mộc Đức cúng ngày 25, sao Vân Hán cúng ngày 29, sao Thuỷ Diệu cúng ngày 21, sao Thổ Tú cúng ngày 19, và sao Thái Dương cúng ngày 27.
  7. ↑Bùi Thị Thoa (2019). Sự du nhập của tín ngưỡng thờ Mẫu đến thành phố Đà Lạt, tỉnh Lâm Đồng. Tạp chí Khoa học Trường Đại học Sư phạm TP. Hồ Chí Minh 16(2): 101-111, trang 9Giữa những năm 20 của thế kỉ XX, tín ngưỡng thờ Mẫu chính thức xuất hiện tại Đà Lạt.
  8. ↑ abNguyễn Hữu Thụ (2019). Sinh hoạt tín ngưỡng và một số khía cạnh kinh tế (qua khảo cứu tín ngưỡng thờ Mẫu của người Việt ở Đồng bằng Bắc Bộ). Tạp chí Nghiên cứu Tôn giáo, số 2 (182), 2019, tr. 115 trở đi, trang 8Với tín đồ của tín ngưỡng thờ Mẫu, niềm tin của họ vào thần linh Tứ phủ đóng vai trò rất quan trọng giúp họ có thể yên tâm, tự tin để thực hiện các hoạt động kinh tế của mình trong đời sống thực.

Further reading

#WorshipInNorthernVietnam#FolkBelief#AncestorVeneration#ThànhHoàngWorship#MotherGoddessWorship#VietnameseCulture