What rituals make up a Northern Vietnamese funeral, from wrapping the body to announcing the mourning?

What rituals make up a Northern Vietnamese funeral, and on what basis are they named?

A traditional Northern Vietnamese funeral is not a fixed list but a sequence of rituals named after family ritual books, then adjusted by each village and clan. The theoretical framework often cited is Văn công gia lễ by Chu Hy of the Song dynasty, later simplified for Vietnamese use through Thọ mai gia lễ by Hồ Sĩ Dương of the Lê dynasty^[1]. By the early 20th century, Việt Nam phong tục by Phan Kế Bính (published as a book in 1915) recorded the funeral sequence in detail, and Gia lễ giản yếu by Dương Bá Trạc (1932) rewrote it concisely for family use^[2][3].

These three texts are not a single standard but three records from different periods. When reading current accounts, know which source's naming is being followed, because the same ritual may have two different names.

Before khâm liệm: what must be done immediately when a relative has just died

When an elderly or weak person is near death, children and grandchildren gather at the main spot to hear final words, give the dying person a posthumous name, wipe the body with agarwood water, and change into neat clothes^[2]. After the last breath, a chopstick is placed across the jaw, and a handful of rice and three coins are put into the mouth; wealthy families substitute three pieces of gold and nine pearls. This custom is called ngậm hàm^[2].

Next is hạ tịch: a mat is spread on the ground, the deceased is lowered for a moment, then lifted back onto the bed. Phan Kế Bính records the meaning as: people are born from earth, so in death they return to earth^[2]. Then a child takes the garment just removed from the deceased, climbs onto the roof, and calls the spirit three times, as if still hoping the person will revive, then uses that garment to cover the body^[2].

A 2010 Thanh Niên account also lists a series of procedures with similar Sino-Vietnamese names: Thiên chính tẩm (moving to the center of the house), Di ngôn (final words), Gia tân y (changing clothes), Hạ tịch (placing on a mat spread on the ground), Trị quan (preparing the coffin)^[1]. These are names from family ritual books, not the folk names used in every village.

How are khâm liệm and nhập quan carried out?

Khâm liệm is the ritual layer that wraps the body in shrouds before placing it in the coffin. According to Phan Kế Bính, wealthy families used silk and satin, while ordinary families used white cloth, sewn into đại liệm and tiểu liệm; đại liệm consists of one vertical piece and five horizontal pieces; tiểu liệm consists of one vertical piece and three horizontal pieces^[2]. After wrapping, nhập quan follows, meaning placing the body into the coffin^[2].

Inside the coffin, many families place a board carved with the Big Dipper, and before nhập quan one must choose an hour avoiding certain ages and use talismans pasted inside and outside the coffin. Some places hold that if the deceased died at an unlucky hour, a tổ tôm card set, a Chinese or Vietnamese calendar, or a fan-palm (gồi) leaf is placed in the coffin to suppress it^[2].

It must be said clearly: this is a record of custom, not a claim that these objects have efficacy. Phan Kế Bính himself wrote at the end of his chapter on funerals that one should think of reducing troublesome rituals and cutting back on feasting, so the rich waste less and the poor avoid borrowing^[2].

What is phát tang, that is, lễ thành phục?

Phát tang is the popular name for lễ thành phục: Gia lễ giản yếu notes that lễ thành phục is the rite of putting on the mourning garments once they are ready, popularly called lễ phát tang^[3]. Vũ trung tùy bút explains lễ thành phục as meaning that after the body has been wrapped, clan members put on mourning garments in the order of the five degrees^[4]. Việt Nam phong tục records that this rite is held two or three days after death, once arrangements are in place^[2].

Phạm Đình Hổ, in Vũ trung tùy bút, complained that contemporary custom had turned lễ thành phục into a feast: composing eulogies, explaining rites, then drinking and chatting loudly, no different from a celebration^[4]. According to ancient rites, he also distinguished clearly: lễ điện is performed only at ancestor offerings and khiển điện; by contrast, tế ngu, tế phục, tế đại tường, tiểu tường, and đàm tất are all tế; on occasions of triêu tịch thượng thực or seasonal offerings, one only makes offerings without tế^[4].

This distinction matters, because in current accounts the words "cúng" and "tế" are often used interchangeably. In Phạm Đình Hổ's understanding, cúng is a daily offering, while tế is a rite with a eulogy and full ceremonial steps, used only at certain milestones.

Where do the tuần thất come from, and what is the rite at the three-day mark?

Phạm Đình Hổ noted that the rites of tuần thất thất (forty-nine days), tuần trăm ngày, lễ cáo hè, lễ điện hè, lễ tống hè, and lễ Trung nguyên đốt mã all follow Buddhist practice, not ancient rites^[4]. He explained that Buddhist teaching holds that the dead are judged every seven days at King Yama's court, and in the summer month the underworld takes pity on prisoners in the heat and may review cases for amnesty^[4].

As for the three-day mark, the family ritual books do not call it "lễ ba ngày" but tế ngu. Gia lễ giản yếu says that on the third day after burial the lễ ngu is held, noting that ngu means to settle, a rite to settle the spirit^[3]. Việt Nam phong tục records that after burial the family returns home and makes an offering called ngu tế, done three times (sơ ngu, tái ngu, tam ngu) but only in wealthy houses; during the three days after burial the children visit the grave each afternoon^[2]. How many days the whole funeral lasts varies by place. In Đại Đoàn Kết's record of Cấn Hữu commune (formerly Quốc Oai district, now Hà Nội), an elderly person's funeral was held over three days: the first day for reporting to authorities, setting up the tent, and notifying relatives and villagers; the second day for the Thập ân dance at night, with a Bát âm ensemble playing music; the third day for carrying the coffin to the fields at a chosen auspicious hour^[5]. This is a record from one specific locality around 1966, not a general description of all the North.

Table comparing the main ritual layers

Differences between sources to note

The three main sources of this article are not fully consistent. Việt Nam phong tục records the sequence from observation in the North in the early 20th century. Vũ trung tùy bút was written around the late 18th and early 19th centuries, reflecting both ancient rites and rites already Buddhist-influenced. Gia lễ giản yếu, compiled in 1932, deliberately shortened things, omitting many details the other two retain^[3]. Reading the three together shows the same milestone, such as phát tang, called by different names, and some rites such as the Thập ân dance appearing only in local records.

In a research article published in Tạp chí Nghiên cứu Tôn giáo in 2013, Đỗ Lan Hiền offers a different view: the author examines Confucian, Buddhist, and Catholic philosophies along with notions in medicine, feng shui, and astrology to explain the meaning of some rituals, while criticizing phenomena such as choosing days and hours, using talismans, burning votive paper, scattering real money on the funeral route, and building grand tombs that occupy cemetery land. In the Tế thống chapter of the Book of Rites, the author quotes Confucius saying that when parents die, children must handle funerals and sacrifices, but should do so simply, because the essential thing is sincere heart, not relying on offerings^[6].

One should distinguish two layers in Đỗ Lan Hiền's article: recounting philosophy and criticizing current practice are two different things. This article only recounts both, without taking sides.

Why does a Northern Vietnamese funeral have so many layers?

Vietnamese funerals in general, and Northern ones in particular, are influenced simultaneously by three streams: Confucianism with filial piety and the five-degree mourning system; Buddhism with tuần thất and requiem rites; and folk belief with choosing hours, suppression, and taboos^[1][2][4]. These three do not replace each other but overlap, creating a multi-layered structure that looks confusing to outsiders.

In folk belief, the deceased still influence the living, so rituals are seen as both a send-off and a way to maintain connection. Đại Đoàn Kết quotes King Bảo Đại in his memoir Con rồng An Nam: in this country, the past governs the present, and the dead influence the living more than the living influence each other^[5]. This is the word of a historical figure as reported by a newspaper, not the article's conclusion.

Gợi ý của Nhật Nguyệt

If you are researching to prepare for a family funeral, what helps is not memorizing the list of rituals but knowing which layer each belongs to: the family ritual layer (thành phục, tế ngu, đại tường), the Buddhist layer (tuần thất, requiem), or the folk layer (choosing hours, suppression). Knowing which is which helps you decide what to keep or drop without fearing you are doing the rite wrong. Family ritual books such as Gia lễ giản yếu were compiled precisely to help with this, and Phan Kế Bính himself advised reducing troublesome rituals more than a hundred years ago^[2][3].